Christian Attitudes, Ch. 3
In this chapter, entitled “The Pacifism of Pre-Constantinian Christianity”, John Yoder examines the nature of the Church’s attitude toward war and the state up to the end of the second century. Yoder’s reasoning for giving a thorough account of the early church’s view on war is not, contrary to the usual assumption about the free church’s attention to the early church, that the early church is the ethical normative position from which to start. Instead, Yoder argues that the early church’s position and view of war and the state is important for us to understand because this community of faith read and interpreted scripture in the context in which it was written. This means that the ethical paradigms and moral norms that come out of this early Christian community arise out of a firsthand encounter with texts and traditions that were written at that same time.
Yoder identifies a three-fold dynamic to the early Christian rejection of warfare. The first part of this rejection stems from the early Christian rejection of idolatry. There were overt practices of pagan worship, within the Roman military institution; practices that the early Christian could not participate in on account of their allegiance to Christ’s Lordship. The second part of the early Christian rejection of war relates to the rejection of oaths, as commanded by Christ. Yoder helpfully notes that the swearing of oaths was part of a cultic practice, with the oath formula invoking pagan deities. Also, the Christian rejection of swearing oaths had everything to do with their new-found freedom in Christ, which they were not permitted to hand over to someone else in a binding oath. The oath, in this view, was seen as giving one’s allegiance to someone other than Jesus Christ. The final aspect of the early Christian rejection of war relates to their abhorrence of bloodshed. It is Caesar who sheds blood, but for Christians, as for Jews, blood includes the sacredness of life. Yoder is careful to note that the early Christian rejection of war does not stand or fall on any one of these reasons alone. In fact, the early Church did not develop a systematic moral theology regarding the ethics of war. Nevertheless, Yoder argues that these three parts formed a coherent position in the early Church.
Yoder spills most of his ink, in this third chapter, on the early Church understanding of and relation to the Roman government at the time. Yoder notes that the early church had no reason for rejecting the existence of a Roman state. In fact, the early Church held to the teaching of Jesus to ‘give to Caesar what is his’ and also to Paul’s teaching in Romans 13, in which the state is viewed as an instrument that God brings into order through providence. Yoder notes that some shifts begin to occur in the late second century. Second or third generation Christians, who never experienced persecution, began to understand their surrounding society as less hostile, and so they became less critical of the Roman authorities.
The fourth century brought with it what Yoder calls a ‘creeping empire loyalty’. Christians still refused to participate in violence and war, the swearing of oaths, etc, “but the church was moving in that direction.” (50) A key part, in my view, is that Yoder notes the early Church’s acceptance of the national boundaries of the Roman Empire as the ‘borders of the world’. Prior to this, the Church saw the entire known world as part of its mission field; yet with increasing loyalty to Rome, the early Church began to associate the borders of its mission field and its identity with the Roman borders. Yoder notes that a lot of this change in perspective connects with the increasing numbers of Christians that operated in the upper echelons of Roman culture and politics. This change in social location also affected the ‘insides’ of the Church, especially in terms of its willingness to discipline the body according to earlier moral guidelines. This chapter offers a more careful analysis of what really changed between the situation of the early pacifist church and the church that was willing to ‘grab the reigns of political history’ after Constantine.
Yoder identifies a three-fold dynamic to the early Christian rejection of warfare. The first part of this rejection stems from the early Christian rejection of idolatry. There were overt practices of pagan worship, within the Roman military institution; practices that the early Christian could not participate in on account of their allegiance to Christ’s Lordship. The second part of the early Christian rejection of war relates to the rejection of oaths, as commanded by Christ. Yoder helpfully notes that the swearing of oaths was part of a cultic practice, with the oath formula invoking pagan deities. Also, the Christian rejection of swearing oaths had everything to do with their new-found freedom in Christ, which they were not permitted to hand over to someone else in a binding oath. The oath, in this view, was seen as giving one’s allegiance to someone other than Jesus Christ. The final aspect of the early Christian rejection of war relates to their abhorrence of bloodshed. It is Caesar who sheds blood, but for Christians, as for Jews, blood includes the sacredness of life. Yoder is careful to note that the early Christian rejection of war does not stand or fall on any one of these reasons alone. In fact, the early Church did not develop a systematic moral theology regarding the ethics of war. Nevertheless, Yoder argues that these three parts formed a coherent position in the early Church.
Yoder spills most of his ink, in this third chapter, on the early Church understanding of and relation to the Roman government at the time. Yoder notes that the early church had no reason for rejecting the existence of a Roman state. In fact, the early Church held to the teaching of Jesus to ‘give to Caesar what is his’ and also to Paul’s teaching in Romans 13, in which the state is viewed as an instrument that God brings into order through providence. Yoder notes that some shifts begin to occur in the late second century. Second or third generation Christians, who never experienced persecution, began to understand their surrounding society as less hostile, and so they became less critical of the Roman authorities.
The fourth century brought with it what Yoder calls a ‘creeping empire loyalty’. Christians still refused to participate in violence and war, the swearing of oaths, etc, “but the church was moving in that direction.” (50) A key part, in my view, is that Yoder notes the early Church’s acceptance of the national boundaries of the Roman Empire as the ‘borders of the world’. Prior to this, the Church saw the entire known world as part of its mission field; yet with increasing loyalty to Rome, the early Church began to associate the borders of its mission field and its identity with the Roman borders. Yoder notes that a lot of this change in perspective connects with the increasing numbers of Christians that operated in the upper echelons of Roman culture and politics. This change in social location also affected the ‘insides’ of the Church, especially in terms of its willingness to discipline the body according to earlier moral guidelines. This chapter offers a more careful analysis of what really changed between the situation of the early pacifist church and the church that was willing to ‘grab the reigns of political history’ after Constantine.
